By Yoshiki Ogawa
Syntactically talking, it has lengthy been identified that noun words are parallel to clauses in lots of respects. whereas such a lot syntactic theories contain this precept, nouns have more often than not been considered as not so good as verbs by way of their licensing skills, and nominal projections were considered as much less complicated than verbal projections by way of the variety of practical different types that they comprise. Ogawa, even though, argues that clauses and noun words are completely parallel. This ebook presents a unified idea of clauses and noun words, eventually supporting to simplify quite a few thorny concerns within the syntax/morphology interface.
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Additional resources for A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections
Then, we can assign to (11a) and (lib) the following structures, respectively, when the C is null (order irrelevant): A Unified Theory of Verbal and Nominal Projections 26 (14b) violates condition (5) since the V+C complex is contained in v. But no such violation occurs in (14a), where the verb does not raise in overt syntax. 2 Tell-class Verbs and Suggest-class Verbs One problematic aspect of my account of the English/French asymmetry is the fact that a certain subclass of verbs that takes both a Goal argument and a CP complement can license the null C in the CP.
On the basis of this assumption, Rizzi accounts for the fact that the so-called Comp-trace effect is absent in the presence of overt morphological agreement in French and in the presence of the null C in English. More specifically, Rizzi proposes that the null C in English is engaged in an abstract agreement relation with the clausemate subject when the latter undergoes overt wh-movement. If this assumption is valid, the null C may plausibly be included in the set of inflectional affixes. 3 Some Notes on Overt Complementizers As a matter of methodology, the postulation of a null element in a theory is best motivated on the ground that there is a morphologically realized counterpart of it.
If this is the correct generalization, and if an overt C is not an affix in Italian, then it is predicted that in a complement clause, too, the C can be null if the Aux-to-Comp takes place. This prediction is borne out. In fact, Aux-to-Comp is incompatible with the overt C, as shown below: (32) Mi auguro (*che) abbia lui fornito tutte le indicazioni del caso. :85) The impossibility of an overt C can be attributed to the principle of Last Resort, if we assume that Aux-to-Comp takes place in order to check the V-feature of C and that the overt C in Italian does not have the feature (recall the discussion about (9) and (10)).