By Alan Cochrane
Alan Cochrane – or ‘that ghastly guy from the Telegraph’, as Alex Salmond’s spouse calls him – emerged as a Unionist hero in Scotland’s contemporary independence conflict. utilizing his day-by-day newspaper column and his enviable checklist of Westminster and Scottish contacts, the veteran journalist fixed a private challenge to make sure the survival of the uk and the downfall of Alex Salmond’s Scottish nationalist reason. whilst, Cochrane used to be secretly retaining a diary charting each twist and switch within the crusade, from Westminster’s choice on no matter if to permit the poll to head forward to Gordon Brown’s overdue access onto the scene as tensions fastened within the No camp. in the course of the pages of this illuminating magazine, Cochrane unearths the reality approximately how the united kingdom used to be gained, supplying biting research, telling aspect and infrequently trenchant wit. because the polls narrowed within the run-up to 18 September, the ancient struggle for Britain introduced out the simplest and the worst within the characters concerned. along with his behind-the-scenes entry to David Cameron, Alistair Darling, Gordon Brown and everybody in among, Alan Cochrane increases the curtain at the panicked, incompetent and cynical global of recent politics, sparing nobody from his acerbic tongue.
"The ebook is most unlikely to parody simply because sooner or later whereas writing it Cochrane grew to become a self-parody."
-- STV News
'In basic, BBC Scotland is filled with humans whose default place is left, left, Nat, Nat, left. yet no longer very discerning left, both. They’re simply now not very bright.'
-- March 17, 2012, quote from The Cochrane Diaries.
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Extra resources for Alex Salmond: My Part in His Downfall: The Cochrane Diaries
1 ˇ/y This functional form captures the idea that the extent to which voters would support the opposition party hinges on the opposition’s protests (x), patronage (y), and media outputs. Note that patronage is associated with a weight, 1 ˇ, suggesting that the effectiveness of the opposition’s patronage is inversely related to the ruling elite’s own patronage inputs. Admittedly, when the ruling elite is able to launch a massive patronage blitz in local constituencies, the resource-poor opposition would have a hard time impressing voters with their own constituency services.
3 Because my analytical model is concerned with the electoral contest between the incumbents and the opposition, the second stakeholder refers to these opposition members who can participate in authoritarian elections. From now on, when mentioning opposition parties, unless specified otherwise, I refer to those who are not excluded from elections. The next assumption is concerned with the incentive of opposition parties: Assumption 3 The goal of opposition parties is to defeat the ruling elite in elections.
For the purpose of our analytical model, we are concerned only with political news here. By political news, I refer to information that deals with elections and government policies. Citizens can acquire information about politics, political parties, and election candidates through personal experiences. For example, one gets to know candidates by chatting with them during an election rally held in one’s community. A street vendor feels indebted to an opposition party, who exposes the illegal protection fees the police extorts from her.